Prime Minister Starmer visited Wales' northern region on Thursday to declare the building of a fresh nuclear energy facility. This represents a significant policy event with implications at local and countrywide levels. However, the prime minister did not dedicate extensive time in Wales to advocating solutions for the UK's energy needs. Instead, he used the time trying to put an end to the briefing controversy within Labour's leadership, informing journalists that Downing Street had not undermined the health secretary's goals earlier this week.
Therefore, Sir Keir’s day served as a microcosm of what his prime ministership has now become more generally. On the one hand, he desires his administration to be performing, and to be seen to be doing, significant actions. On the other hand, he is unable to achieve this due to the way he – and, partly, the nation as a whole – now conducts politics and government.
The Prime Minister cannot transform the culture of politics on his own, but he is able to take action about his own role in it. The plain fact is that he could manage the centre of government much more effectively than he currently does. If he did this, he could discover that the nation was in less despair about his administration than it currently is, and that he was getting his messages across more effectively.
A number of the problems in Downing Street are about individuals. The personal dynamics of any No 10 regime are difficult to discern well from outside. But it seems obvious that Sir Keir fails to make sound staffing decisions, or stick with them. Perhaps he is too busy. Perhaps he is not really interested. However, he must to up his game, avoid slow progress or by halves.
All premiers spend too much time overseas and on international matters, where Sir Keir should delegate more, and too little conversing with parliamentarians and listening to the public. Premiers also spend too much time engaging with the press, which Sir Keir worsens by performing inadequately. But premiers cannot express surprise when their politically appointed staff, who tend to be party loyalists or ambitious in politics, overstep boundaries or become the focus, as the chief of staff now has.
The most significant problems, though, are systemic. It would be good to think that Sir Keir reviewed the a think tank's spring 2024 study on reforming the centre of government. His failure to address these matters last July or afterward suggests he did not. The often abject performance of Labour’s time in office suggests recommendations like reorganizing the roles of the central government office and Downing Street, and dividing the jobs of cabinet secretary and civil service head, are now urgent.
The dominant political role of PMs greatly exceeds the assistance provided to them. Consequently, everything currently suffers, and many tasks are poorly executed or ignored.
This is not Sir Keir’s fault alone. He is the casualty of previous shortcomings as well as the architect of present ones. But those who hoped Sir Keir might get a grip on the centre and take the machinery of government seriously have been disappointed. Unfortunately, the primary casualty from this shortcoming is Sir Keir himself.
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